*Police released footage that paints a fuller picture of their interaction with a black Versace executive who accused them of racial profiling for an incident earlier this month.
Video captured by a Beverly Hills, California, police officer’s body camera on Oct 1. shows Salehe Bembury, the fashion company’s vice president of sneakers and men’s footwear, admitting to jaywalking at Camden Drive and Wilshire Boulevard before he is released without a citation in under four minutes.
During the interaction, officers refer to Bembury as “sir” and ask him if there is anything they can do to make him more comfortable as they perform a search of his person. The man, who later went viral after sharing footage of his own on social media, says that their presence alone is making him uncomfortable and asks for permission to retrieve his phone.
After taking the device out of his pocket, he begins filming, claiming that the officers are harassing him because he’s black.
“OK, I am in Beverly Hills right now, and I am getting f*cking searched for shopping at the store I work for,” he says.
“Now what you are doing is you are making it completely different to what we just talked about. You are making a completely different narrative,” an officer says.
Bembury continues to insist that he’s being racially profiled before the officers eventually let him go. He later shared his video of the incident on Instagram with the caption, “Beverly Hills while Black. I’m OK, my spirit is not.”
In response, the Beverly Hills Police Department released a statement along with the body camera footage.
“Mr. Bembury admitted to the pedestrian violation and told the officers he was looking at the GPS on his phone to determine where he was heading.
The entire detention lasted about 3 1⁄2 minutes,” the department said. “Mr. Bembury consented to a search, was cleared of any outstanding warrants and released with a warning. No citation was issued.”
Black people in California are stopped by police officers more frequently than people of other races, according to statistics from eight law enforcement agencies in the state. In both Los Angeles and San Francisco, black residents accounted for more than a quarter of all those stopped by police in the second half of 2018 despite making up less than 10% of either city’s population.
Interactions between police officers and black Americans have been under renewed national scrutiny since George Floyd, a black man accused of using a counterfeit $20 bill, died while being arrested by a white police officer in Minneapolis in May. Footage of the incident sparked nationwide protests against systemic racism and police brutality, as well as calls to defund the police.
(Edited by Carlin Becker and Matthew Hall)
The post Body Cam Video Shows LA Police Interaction with Black Versace Designer appeared first on Zenger News.
Meet ‘The Deacons’: Armed Black Christians Who Protected MLK During the Civil Rights Era
*ST. AUGUSTINE—During the 1950s, a single house was built at 924 E. 9th St. in the city of Bogalusa, La.
This unremarkable single-story, 1,590-square-foot mill town structure was similar to the ranch houses and bungalows built to house workers of the Great Southern Lumber Co. However, its modesty belies its social, cultural and political significance as the hub of the city’s civil rights movement in the 1960s.
It was here, on Feb. 21, 1965, that activists Robert “Bob” Hicks, Bert Wyre, Fletcher Anderson and Charles Sims founded the Bogalusa chapter of the Deacons for Defense and Justice.
The Deacons: An Ironic Forgotten Footnote in History?
In his book, “The Deacons for Defense: Armed Self-Defense and the Civil Rights Movement,” historian Lance Hill wrote, “Much of the history of the civil rights era rests on the myth of non-violence: the notion that the civil rights movement achieved its goals through non-violent direct action. [On the contrary], black violence and civil disorder played an indispensable role in forcing the federal government to enforce the newly enacted civil rights laws.”
The Deacons for Defense and Justice, an armed African-American self-defense group founded in 1964 by Earnest “Chilly Willy” Thomas and Frederick Douglass Kirkpatrick in Jonesboro, La, included World War II and Korean War veterans working to protect members of the Congress of Racial Equality, or CORE, from Ku Klux Klan violence. CORE and other organizations that promoted nonviolence supported armed self-defense, arguing that the changing federal laws were doing little to protect activists at the local level.
“In the southern freedom struggle, armed self-defense became a pragmatic necessity because of the daily threats and the violence that activists faced,” said Simon Wendt, associate professor of American Studies at Goethe University in Frankfurt, Germany. “As one CORE activist once said in 1965 — and I’m paraphrasing here — protected nonviolent protest tended to be more popular than unprotected nonviolent protest. As in the case of nonviolence, many activists viewed self-defense as something that the violent situation simply required, not necessarily an ideological choice.”
Pragmatism and ideology intersected on a national level during James Meredith’s one-man March Against Fear from Memphis, Tenn., to Jackson, Miss., on June 6, 1966. Wounded by a sniper’s bullet and unable to complete the march, Meredith reluctantly agreed to allow the NAACP, CORE, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Urban League, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) — headed by the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. — to take up his cause.
After much deliberation and at the urging of SNCC’s Stokely Carmichael, all but two of the groups agreed to deploy a contingent of Deacons from Chicago, Louisiana and Mississippi to protect the route to Jackson, including King’s SCLC.
“King initially disagreed with including the Deacons in the march, but was ultimately convinced to allow their participation if the march maintained the banner on nonviolence,” said Akinyele Umoja, professor of African American studies at Georgia State University.
Fearing a blow to their identities as proponents of nonviolence, the Urban League and NAACP opted not to participate.
“The Deacons’ inclusion in a march sponsored by national civil rights movement organizations represented an important shift in the black freedom struggle,” said Umoja, author of “We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement.” “SNCC, CORE and SCLC, as well as their national leadership, were relying upon organized black militants, not the federal government, to defend their organizations and the participants in this campaign.”
Although the march continued without incident, these organizations gave little public credit to the Deacons.
“For CORE and others, nonviolence had to be the face of the movement for federal support, for northern support, for president of the United States support,” said Umoja. “Black men with guns was not the best way to get support.”
Although the public face of the movement was of nonviolence, the Deacons boasted 20 chapters across Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama in its heyday. Yet, with the emergence of the Black Power movement and an increasing number of Black elected officials across the South, the Deacons were all but obsolete by 1968.
Bogalusa is remembered as the apex of the Deacons’ power.
The Movement in Bogalusa
On Feb. 1, 1965, Robert “Bob” Hicks, a local mill worker and activist, and his family were having dinner with two white CORE workers who were in town to protest segregated public accommodations in Bogalusa.
Their meal was interrupted by a visit from Bogalusa Police Chief Claxton Knight, who told Hicks that a mob of 200 was threatening to murder him and his family and burn his house to the ground if the activists did not leave. Undaunted and expecting no help from the police, Hicks called in a mob of his own. Within minutes, the Black men of Bogalusa — armed with shotguns — filed into the Hicks home.
“The police watched my father’s friends and neighbors arrive and take positions in the yard, and on the roof, and around the house,” said Barbara Hicks Collins, Hicks’ daughter, now 73. “After learning that black men in Jonesboro had done something similar, my father got those friends and neighbors together and formed the Bogalusa chapter of the Deacons for Defense and Justice.”
Likely alerted by the police, the white mob never showed up.
Soon after, Hicks and his fellow Bogalusa Deacons set up shop in his home, converting it into a radio communications and command center, meeting place and medical triage station.
The Bogalusa Deacons, led by Hicks, gained national notoriety due to the events of May 19, 1965, when they led a group of Black citizens to the whites-only Cassidy Park, the largest public park in the city. The black citizens were soon set upon by a white mob who, along with local police, attacked them with clubs and leather belts.
The Cassidy Park incident did yield positive results. Four days later, Bogalusa Mayor Jesse Cutrer signed a six-point desegregation agreement and, on July 10, Hicks v Knight resulted in an injunction ordering law enforcement to protect protesters from “physical assaults and beatings” and to cease “preventing or discouraging the exercise of their rights to picket, assemble peaceably and advocate equal rights” for African Americans.
The Past as Prologue
Hicks died of cancer on April 10, 2010. Four months later, 924 E. 9th St. became 924 Robert “Bob” Hicks St.
In the front yard sits the first official Louisiana Historical Land Marker for an African American in his honor. The Robert “Bob” Hicks House is listed on the National Register of Historic Places for its role in Bogalusa’s civil rights movement and is the first African-American historical site in Washington Parish to gain this recognition.
Now, Barbara Hicks Collins, who runs a foundation in her father’s name, is converting the home into Bogalusa/Washington Parish’s first civil rights museum and multicultural center.
“We are projecting completion of the construction phase within the next four to six months,” said Hicks Collins, a retired New Orleans public health official. “We don’t have a projected opening date, but it should be some time in the next year, if we all survive COVID-19.”
(Edited by Ron Panarotti and Mara Welty)
The post Meet ‘The Deacons’: Armed Black Christians Who Protected MLK During the Civil Rights Era appeared first on Zenger News.
THE REAL Celebrates Halloween and Angela Bassett on Her Most Memorable Voting Experience
*On Friday, October 30, it’s Halloween on The Real! The hosts celebrate this spooky holiday by representing The Most Outrageous Moments of 2020 with Loni Love as The Last Roll of Toilet Paper, Jeannie Mai as Naomi Campbell in her COVID Airport Attire, Garcelle Beauvais as The NBA Bubble, and Adrienne Houghton as Teddy Riley vs. Technology in his Verzuz battle against Babyface.
The ladies discuss the second wave of the Coronavirus that is being predicted and whether they plan on hoarding supplies as many did during the first wave of the pandemic. They also reminisce about the mistakes that they made the last time so that they will get the best bang for their bucks!
Also, co-host Garcelle Beauvais talks about her son Jax’s attachment to a pretty pink bow that he insisted on wearing during his first week of preschool, and how she decided to handle it.
Then, Angela Bassett drops in to chat about returning to production of 9-1-1after the COVID-19 quarantine, the importance of voting, and her experience being in South Africa during their first democratic election.
The Real’s Halloween Episode Intro
Will the Ladies Be Hoarding For the Next Wave of COVID?
Garcelle Had No Problem With Her Son Wearing A Pink Bow During His First Week of Preschool
Angela Bassett’s Recalls Being in South Africa for Their First Democratic Election
Angela Bassett’s Recalls Being in South Africa for Their First Democratic Election
Garcelle Beauvais: Do you have a memorable voting experience?
Angela Bassett: Absolutely! Years ago I was invited to South Africa on the eve of their first democratic election– and to go there for seven days and go into the townships and cities and the back country to encourage people to vote for the first time– when they were, you know, maybe told by those that they work for– you talk about voter suppression– that they, “I will know who you vote for”– but to let them know that their vote was their own; it was private and secret. And then to see long, long wrapping lines of voters, some on canes, some being helped, just to have that opportunity and that privilege, I’ll never forget it. Some, as you know, in their 90s just, you know, in– just taking up that mantle. So I always remember that with fondness. So when I came home it was something that, in my right mind and in strong body, I was never going to take for granted.
About THE REAL
THE REAL is a live daily, one-hour, two-time NAACP Image Award-winning and Emmy®-nominated talk show now in its seventh season on Fox Television Stations and in national syndication (check local listings), with a rebroadcast on cable network Bounce. The bold, diverse and outspoken hosts, Garcelle Beauvais and Emmy® Award-winners Adrienne Houghton, Loni Love and Jeannie Mai, all frankly say what women are actually thinking. Their unique perspectives are brought to life through candid conversations about their personal lives, current events, beauty, fashion and relationships (nothing is off limits). Unlike other talk shows, THE REAL hosts are admittedly a “work in progress,” and fearlessly invite viewers to reflect on their own lives and opinions. Fresh points of view, youthful energy and passion have made THE REAL a platform for multicultural women. Produced by Telepictures Productions and distributed by Warner Bros. Domestic Television Distribution, THE REAL is led by Executive Producer, Rachel Miskowiec (Good Morning America, Katie, The Tyra Banks Show, Judge Hatchett, The Ricki Lake Show) and Co-Executive Producer Tenia Watson (Judge Mathis, Lauren Lake’s Paternity Court, WGN-TV Morning News, Just Keke, The Test) and shot in Los Angeles, California.
‘Chappelle’s Show’ Coming to Netflix, Streamer Raising Prices for New and Existing Members
*Dave Chappelle’s hit sketch comedy series “Chappelle’s Show” will be added to Netflix on November 1.
“The best news you’ve heard all year: Chappelle’s Show is coming to Netflix US,” Netflix wrote on Twitter.
“Chappelle’s Show” originally aired on Comedy Central from 2003 to 2006. The comedian famously walked away from the series in 2005 (and $50 million) due to creative differences.
News of the series hitting Netflix coincides with the announcement that the streaming platform is raising the prices of its standard and premium plans for new and existing members.
The standard plan — which offers HD streaming on up to two different devices simultaneously — will cost $13.99 up from $12.99. The premium plan — which provides up to four ultra HD streams — is now $17.99 up from $15.99, per PEOPLE. There will be no price change to the basic plan.
The new prices take effect Thursday for any new members signing up while current subscribers will receive a notification 30 days ahead of the price increase.
Netflix said the price hike is so that the company can continue to “offer more variety of TV shows and films.”
“We understand people have more entertainment choices than ever, and we’re committed to delivering an even better experience for our members,” a spokesperson said in a statement. “We’re updating our prices so that we can continue to offer more variety of TV shows and films — in addition to our great fall lineup.”
“As always we offer a range of plans so that people can pick a price that works for their budget.”
“Chappelle’s Show” will join several of Dave’s comedy specials on Netflix, Dave Chappelle: Equanimity, Dave Chappelle: The Age of Spin and Dave Chappelle: Sticks & Stones.
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